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Criminal Profiling — Part 5
Page 19
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“... many offenders reported a history of sadistic behavior
toward animals, such as killing, maiming, and threatening
small animals. . . .”
seemed to introduce him in a more
conscious way to a fantasy life which
occupied much of his life:
“| was eight years old, having
nightmares, that’s when | went off
into the morbid fantasy and that’s
when the death trip started. The
devil was sharing my bedroom with
me, he was living in the furnace.
The furnace was there battling
away in the corner with an eerie
glow in the middle of the night.”
This man later in the interview de-
scribed a conscious awareness of his
motive to kill:
“Y knew long before | started killing
that | was going to be killing, that it
was going to end up like that. The
fantasies were too strong. They
were going on for too long and
were too elaborate.”
Following the first murder, the fantasy
becomes reality that requires a
change in the structure of the fantasy
in order to repeat the crime. The
same murderer tells of this fantasy
development:
“It was almost like a black comedy
of errors, the first killings, two
people, it was terrible because |
made three fatal errors in the first
24 hours. | should have been
busted. . . | saw how loose | was
and | tightened it up and when it
happened again and again | got
tighter and tighter and there weren't
any more slips.”
Motivation operates on many
levels. We are referring here to the
conscious or preconscious awareness
of the murderers, the structure of their
fantasies, and the resultant act of
murder. We use the term ‘‘precon-
scious” since many of the interviews
with the murderers reveal this level.
The man would state he remembered
having vague thoughts or was able to
remember some parts of his thinking
but did not have this awareness clear-
ly structured in his mind. This re-
sponse in subjects led to our belief
that much of the motive and intent in
the form of fantasies are vague and
loosely formulated uni/ the murderers
actually kill. With the reality of the
murder, the fantasy feeds off itself
and becomes more structured. As
more murders are committed, the
phases of the murders become more
organized.
Although we discuss the ‘“‘first”
murder, many offenders reported a
history of sadistic behavior toward ani-
mals, such as killing, maiming, and
threatening small animals (cats, birds,
fish). In one case, the murderer, as a
young boy, had acquired the nick-
name “Doc,” apparently from his
fondness for slitting open the stom-
achs of cats and observing how far
they could run before they died.
One murderer connected his mur-
derous acts to dismembering his sis-
ter’s doll heads. ‘'! used to do my sis-
ter’s dolls that way when | was a kid
. just yanked the head off her
Barbie dolls.” Although this offender
was able to note the connection to his
early violent fantasies, many offend-
ers were not able to make this link.
We are not discussing in this arti-
cle any motives based on childhood
experiences. Instead, we are referring
to-a level of motivation that later in
the life of the offender serves as a
basis for or triggers the murder.
It is at this later level of motiva-
tion that the offender’s fantasy life re-
flects itself in his social behavior—the
line between fantasy and reality blurs.
The offender may become isolated or
socially aloof rather than acting on the
fantasy. This social isolation perhaps
helps in inhibiting his desire to act on
104
the fantasy. What these 36 men re-
vealed in terms of their first murder
was that something happened exter-
nally to them that moved them to act
out this fantasy.
The key person in the fantasy—
the one doing the killing, maiming, or
torturing—is the perpetrator himself.
Sometimes, perpetrators fantasize
self-victimization, such as ordering
their own evisceration, but most vic-
timize others in their fantasies. Their
actions are mentally rehearsed and
are accompanied by emotion. The
fantasy life is varied and has many dy-
namics that are idiosyncratic to the
murderer.
A variety of factors can trigger
the offender to act on his fantasy, in-
cluding certain interactions between
the murderer and the victim. The fol-
lowing case illustrates the murderer’s
recall of the triggering event of the
victim trying to escape, but not of the
murder:
Subject: “‘We were upstairs and |
was taking my clothes off. That's
when she started back downstairs.
As a matter of fact, that’s the only
time | hit her. | caught her at the
stairs.”
Agent: “What happened?”
Subject: She wanted to know why |
hit her. | just told her to be quiet.
She was complaining about what
time she would get home and she
said her parents would worry. She
consented to sex. . . then |
remembered nothing else except
waking up and her dead in the
bed.”
Some murderers were aware of
their fantasy to rape and their motive
to kill. The fantasy of one juvenile
who was caught after his first rape de-
picted total control over women. He
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