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ton , ( tween races are in fact merely in- dulging themselves. For the simple truth, as James Farmer and Roy Wilkins and others continue to proclaim amid the pres- sures of the socalled “militants,” is that the Negro cannot go it alone; those who tcll him that he can are cheating him. Those who cannot dil- ferentiate between Jim Farmer and Jim Crow, who lighuy hurl the epi- thet of “Uncle Tom” at leaders who see both the moral and practical im- perative of preserving and extending the Negro-white coalition, those who insist the “white liberal” must be ‘banished from the Freedom Move- ment or reduced io the role of water boy, those who, in effect, affirm a reverse segregationism because “the white man can never understand what it means to be black” are strengthen- ing every vile impulse in our national life, and obstructing perhaps our last best chance to achieve a national soluiion, too long postponed, of our racial agony. I am not wistfully projecting some sudden, serene “revolution by con- sent.” The white resistance, South and North, remains bitter and en- trenched; if Congress enacts the civil rights bill, there-will sill be a long struggle ahead, in the courts and in the streets. The question is not whether the Negro has legitimate cause for impatience and outcry; it is whether his anger will be un- leashed, without discipline or direc- tion, at something called the “white world,” or whether it will find pur- poseful expression in a concerted al- liance with many thousands of other Americans who have not deserted the March on Washington. We are, I think, at a fateful mo ment of transition. White defections from the civil rights cause is a tragic fact of life; but it is not the whole story. The Interfaith assemblage in Washington in April was a remark- able occurrence; perhaps the most im- portant words spoken there were those of the Reverend Dr. Eugene Carson Blake, speaking for all the Protestant denominations. Warning against excessive preoccupation with the “legality of demonstrations,” he declared: . “Unless we quickly understand that 9A .- Loe mw a a ee oe standing insults in our society .. . make peaceful men tum violent, and patient men lose their self-control, we untdersiand neither the first jevei of morals nor the depth of the crisis that race discrimination has brought to our once proud nation.” »’ Such words were spoken by a lead- ing white clergymen; such men do exist, and they appeared in great numbers. ‘To dcprecate their role is io assert that there has been no moral advance in our lifetime, and that Mr. Klunder—died in vain. I do not know whether the battle for equality—not merely the legisla- tive fight but the search for an au- thentic national community—can be won decisively in a foreseeable fu- ture. We do know that a new white generation is growing up which has,’ in many instances, rebelled against ihe folkiore of its fathers. We do know that the white supremacists are on the defensive, no matter how small the evidences of progress may be. But most of all it must be clear that this is a disastrous time for dis- cord within the civil rights move- ment, and for diversionary gospels of “black separatism” that can only dis- rupt the Freedom legions Those who live in islands of white tranquility fool themselves if they believe there can be any ultimate escape—for themselves or the coun- iry—from the Negro upheaval of our time. But Malcolm X and his disciples are equally removed from reality when they advertise salvation in au- tonomous ghettos, and incite total war against the white community. Radical sects that encourage this de- lusion prove anew how little Marx- ism has to do with the American experience. What gave the Freedom Movement its initial impetus was its deeply in- digenous quality, its remarkable self- discipline, its inner strength. Thase who divide that movement will not conquer; they can only manufacture debris and disorder. by SENATOR WILL fos Constitution of the Unite States, in the words of its pream- ble, was established, among other reasons, in order to “provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty...” In the past generation the emphasis of our public policy has been heavily weighted on measures for the common defense to the consid- erable neglect of programs for pro- moting the liberty and welfare of our people. The reason for this, of course, has been the exacting demands of two world wars and an intractable cold war, which have wrought vast changes in the character of American life. ee ee FULBRIGHT OF all the changes in American life wrought by the cold war, the most im- rtant by far, in my opinion, has the massive diversion of energy costly and interminabie orld power. We have , or have felt our- national priori- igual and com- munity life to places o low the enormously expensive mili- tary and space activities consti- tute our program of national security. This, I think, is the real mezning ee a ee