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16 CIVIL RIGHTS SPLIT THE DEMOCRATS _ by Helen Fuller BE aery TRUMAN may go down in history as the President who “reorgan- ized the Democratic Party structure. There are Democrats and Republicans who think that the civil-rights question — will be the determining factor if such a realignment occurs, and that Truman may inadvertently bring about the Southern “purge” Franklin Roosevelt did not live to accomplish. The report of the President's Com- mittee on Civil Rights is a revolution- ary document. If its recommendations -become reality, lynching, the poll tax _ and discrimination in employment and education would be barred by federal statute, and a new and stronger federal agency for the protection of individual liberties would be created, Franklin Roosevelt called for such reforms at one time or another, but never in such uncompromising terms or in language and manner so little designed to soften the blow for the Southetn members of the Democratic Party. The two Truman proposals which arouse the most violent Opposition among the states’-righters of the South are: anti-Jim Crow bills (governing interstate travel, education and em- ployment) and an expanded civil- tights organization in the Department of Justice to enforce federal Jaws. Hobson's choice. President Truman “now faces a dilemma: if he does not press the fight against discrimination, he will lose whatever chance he had of regaining the Negro and minority vote;, if he takes strong action, he may lose a large part of the Southern elec- toral vote. When the South, led by its Gov- ernots, raised loud objections to the civil-rights program, the Democratic National Committee at first took little notice. In past election years, South- erners have usually been content with headlines proclaiming their “revolt,” followed by a brief period of pouting, before they quietly voted the. straight, ticket again on election day. This time the “revolt” has started months before convention time, and its leaders are not political uaknowns, but the Demo- Cratic state organization leaders them- selves, ; Coming simultaneously with Henry Wallace's victory over the Flynn ma- chine in the Bronx, the developments were most disquieting to the national Democratic leadership, and the Repub- licans’ glee at their Opportunity to turn the civil-rights issue to Democratic dis- advantage also helped to plunge party headquarters _into.deep.gloom. commie Four Southern Governors, represent- ing eleven states, came to Washington ‘in an avowed attempt to force Demo- cratic National Chairman J. Howard McGrath to repudiate the high-princi- pled program Jaid down by President Truman. They quickly recruited 52 Southern Reptesentatives to back them. up in their fight against the National Committee. They then began to put the Pressure on Chairman McGrath. Uneasy peacemakers, Clearly the Democratic National Committee has no intention of throwing away its _ chance to win the Negro and minority vote by appearing to back down from the President's program. But at the same time, Chairman McGrath wiil not overlook any possibility of soften- ing the Southerners’ wrath, Ever since the onset of the present revolt, enlightened Southerners like Senator John J. Sparkman (D, Ala.) have been going about the South trying to soothe tempers and reassure their fellow Democrats that a party plat- form agreeable to all will finally be worked out at Philadelphia. But cer- tain Southern congressmen seem more concerned about their own influence than about the survival in power of the Democratic Party. After all, in past years the Republican-Southern Demo- crat congressional coalition has not been too uncomfortable an arrange- ment for the boys from Dixie. Southern-bloc leaders ate now pri- NEW REPUBLIC vately trying to negotiate with the Republicans, These poll-tax statesmen, who still do not need to consider the wishes of their constituents, could and would withhold the electoral votes of five or six Southern states. from Truman and the Democratic Party if the Republicans would make it worth their while. That is, if the Republicans would agree to allow the Southerners to filibuster to death key anti-white-supremacy legislation pend- ing in this Congress, The man who will decide whether to make such a deal is Robert A. Taft. He must decide whether he has more to gain by passing a series of civil- liberties measures, or by taking away 50-to-100-tmuch-needed electoral votes from Truman, The first would help Taft's chances of nomination. The second might clinch the election for the GOP in a close race. Taft's associates in both houses of Congress state flatly that they have the , " Senator's word that he will pass an anti-lynch bill and an anti-poll-tax bill before this session adjourns. He has made no promises concerning the re- mainder of Truman's 10-point pro- &tam. According to Senate tules, de- bate can be ended by only a two-thirds vote in favor of limiting discussion to one hour per member. There js no question that Senator’ Taft has the votes he needs to win cloture—and cloture would assure the passage of anti-lynch. ing, anti-poll-tax and any other civil- liberties measures he desires, To the Kills! The thought of Taft’s _forcing through such politically potent legislation is keeping the Democratic chiefs awake nights. The Southerners Might get over Truman’s “insults” to the South if they were not repeated in the party platform for '48, But if the Administration Openly supports Taft and helps to break the Southern filibuster, the Southerners will prob- ably feel honor-bound to bolt the party. If the Administration ducks the Cloture issue, Negro and minority leaders are not likely to support Tru- man. This is the dilemma that now haunts Chairman McGrath and his more politically farsighted colleagues, a COON,