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.. tries has perpetrated the most ‘horrid . enormities, is itself a frightful despot-"'. ism. But this leads at length to a more ~ , formal and permanent despotism. The. ~. disorders and miseries which . result,:. gradually incline the minds of men to.” seek security and repose in the absolute, power of an individual; and, sooner or “ later, the chief of some prevailing fac- «= | .tion, more able or more: fortunate than ~ his competitors, turns this disposition to- the purpose of his own elevation on the ruins of public iberty, © 0 ° bok Without. looking forward.to an ex-. tremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are Sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to © discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public admin- _vistration, It agitates the community with 11 founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the govern- ment itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. . There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a mo- narchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirif of party. But in those of the popu- lar character, in- governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encour- aged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of ex- cess, the effort. ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands & uniform vigilance to prevent {t burst~ ing into a flame lest instead of warm- ing it should consume. Te It is important hkewise, that the habits of thinking in a free-country should in- spiré caution in those intrustéd with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective’ constitutional. spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another, The spirit of encroach-. ment tends to consolidate the powers of. all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it - which predominate in the human heart, © is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. ‘The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, - by dividing end distributing it into differ- ent depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against E invasion of the others, "hes besa vinced by ‘experiments ancient*and modern; some of them in our country ‘and under. our own eyes.—To preserve them must be *. ° as necessary as to institute them.’ If, in ‘the opinion of the people, the distribu-",; tion or modification of the constitutional” powers be in any particular wrong, let. -- it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the’constitution designates— ~~ Butlet there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be ~ the instrument of good, it is the custom- ary weapon by which free governments * sre destroyed. ‘The precedent must © always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.. . Of all the'dispositions and habits which Jead to political prosperity, religion, and morality are indispensable supports, In vain would that man claim the tribute | of patriotism, who should labor to sub- vert these great pillars of human happi- ness, these firmest props of the duties of . men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to re~- spect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Tet it simply be asked, where is the security for prop~ erty, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investiga- tion in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without re- ligion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality.can prevail in exclu-. - sion of religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sin- cere friend to it can look with indiffer-’ ence upon attempts to shake the founda- tlonofthe fabric? Promote, then, 2s an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be enlightened. _ cor . _ 488 Very important source of strength end security, cherish public credit. One ~ method of preserving it is to use it as. sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by. cultivating peace, but re- _. membering, also, that timely disburse- ments, to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to — repel it; avoiding likewise the accumu-~ Jation of debt, not only by shunning oc~ .. casions of expense, but by vigorous exer- tions, in time of peace, to.discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your repre-