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Supreme Court — Part 12
Page 114
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Editorials
~~»
Senator Hennings, of Missouri, was
doubdcss ight in fecling that Congress
ought to do a lot of thinking before
adopting anything like Sen. William
Jenner's bill to restrict the jutisdiction
of the Supreme Court over certain
selected matters. However, it ought
not to require too much study to con-
vince Congress that some action is nec-
essary if it is to retain its position as a
supposedly equal partner in our ui-
partite Federal system. The reason
why congremional action to curb the
court is even mentioned is that the
court is sttting itsclf up as a sort of
third leguslatrve cham , as such,
cht Iree to uihpost its ideas upon the
other branches of the Government.
“judge Learned Hand, formerty of
the United States Court of Appeals, in
bis recent lectures at Harvard, declared
thar “if we do need a third chamber it
should appear for what it is, and not as
the interpreter of inscrutable prin-
ciples.” He added that for him “it
awmaking
Isn't the
Supreme
Court's
Job
would be mast irksume to be ruled by
a bevy of Platonic Guardians, even if |
knew how tu select them, which [ as-
suredly do not. If they were in charge
I should miss the stimulus of living in a
society where IP have, at beast theuret-
ically, some part in the direction of
public affairs.”’
The Platunic Guardians have at-
tempted (o tell a committee of Congress
how it may not interrogate a wit-
ness, a ruling which has scriously ham-
pered necessary investigatory proce-
dure. They have decreed that a state
may not pass a law to deal with subver-
sives because the Federal Government
is presumed to have a mounupoly in the
field. Accurding to them, a state must
admit to the practice of law an appli-
cant who refuses to tell the bar exam-
iners whether or not he is or has been
a member of a Communist conspiracy.
And they have turned loose convicted
Reds on narrow technical grounds.
Surely the legislature is bound to
consider how to restore balance to the
Federalsystemof“checksand balances.”
For, as Abraham Lincoln warned
in his first inaugural address, “if the
policy of the Government upon vital
questions affecting the whole people is
to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of
the Supreme Court . . . the people will
have ceased to be their own rulers.”
To Limit the court's jurisdiction may
not be the way to restore Congress to
its rightful and constitutional authority,
hut there can be ne doubs of the right
of Cungress to du so if it pleases. The
late Justice Owen Roberts many years
ava raised the question: “What is there
to prevent Congress taking away, bit
by bit, all the appellate jurisdiction of
the Supreme Court of the United
States? T can see nothing ... in view
of the language of the third article of
the Constitution.”
The third article of the Constitution
defines the jurisdiction of the court,
both original and appellate, and adds
this very important qualification:
“with such exceptions and under such
regulations as the Congress shali
make.” If any branch of the Govern-
ment yearns for the role of Platonic
Guardian, the Constitution says it
should be Congress!
This i 4 Constitutional question
which should— but probably won’t —
be debated without reference to one’s
feelings about investigations or ‘civil
rights.” Judge Hand hesitates to pre-
scnibe a remedy for the trouble. He
rightly dreads the confusion that would
anise if a final decision on the constitu-
tionality of statutes could not be made
by anybody. But the learned judge,
who might well be on the higher court
hiroseif, plainly regards the errora of
lawmakers and of the people as less men-
acing than the rise of judicial dictator-
ship, however benign. So should we all.
Our Farm Surpius
. Could be an Asset
in the Cold War
Since 1950 almost $10,000,600,000
* of taxpayers’ moncy has been spent
in fruitless efforts to prop up farm
: prices and to ehrink the eize of cur
increasingly productive agricul-
ture—all this at a time when much
af the world has been hungry and
i-clothed.
The ample truth, of course, is
that the best answer to the farm
problem lies in finding more cus-
tomens for the fine products that the
American farmer grows with such
efficiency. We can’t help wondering
what would have happened to the
“burdensome surpluses” we hear po
much about if the §10,000,000,006
had been applied in a bold way te
the building of bigger and better
markets around the world.
There's more to it than just scll-
ing our products at bargain prices.
Theac great stocks of wheat, cotton,
vegetable oils, dairy products and
the like repreacnt useful, much-
geeded capital, if putin the right
place. They can be used as power-
ful weapons in the cold war. They
ean be used as investments Lo aumu-
late the progress of backward na-
tions.
We can, if we will, make full use
of this obvious truth that one man’s
surplus is another man's capital.
We can do it by “lending” our sur-
pluses to needy countries. And we
can, in the long run, expect good
returns from such loans.
The mechanism for such a pro-
gram is in existence. It is the Agri-
cultural Trade Development Act of
1954, Public Law 480, under which
the United States Department of
Agriculture can sell surpluses to
foreign nations for their own cur-
rency. The receipts of such sales
then can be lent back to the coun-
tries in question to finance develop-
ment projects. The P.L. 480 pro-
gram has been 2 highly successful
one. To date, it hag lent more than
$1 650,000,000 werth of surpluses
to thirty-five nations. That is just
a drop in the bucket.
The program needa to be ecx-
panded on a bold front, partcu-
larly but not exclusively in areas
where Soviet Ruma is offcring to
underwnte development work. It
might not be a bad idea to divert
some of the billions now being spent
in negative efforts at productian
control into this positive plan for
building mort and better customer.
Courses for Foreign
Leaders Worked
Well tor the U.S.A.
It is now ten years since the pas-
sage of the law which enables the
State Deparument to bring to this
country for study or research “lead-
ers” from various foreign nations.
The law, officially entitled The US.
Information and Educational Ex-
change Act, ismore popularly knowa
as the Smith-Mundt Act.
This program appears to be one
of ow happier ventures in what
critics of such efforts call “do-pood-
ism.” Grantees have retumed to
their homelands after absorbing
American instruction in various
spheres of governmental techniqucs.
The cabinets of several Buropean
ations contain a number of these
“leader grantees” who had visied
the United States as State Depan-
ment guests. There is, for instance,
Premier Felix Gaillard, of France.
Sweden's cabinet includes two
former Icader grantees) Ragnar
Edenman, Minister of Education
and Ecclesiastical Affairs, and (jcgta
Netizen, Minister of Agriculture,
In West Germnany, six inenibers
of Chancellor Adenaucr'’s cabinet
a
.
7
are alumni of the program: Hein-
Fich von Brentano, Minister of For-
eign Affairs; Franz Joseph Strauss,
Minister of Defenac; Gerhard
Schroder, Minister of the Interior;
Theador Blank, Minister of Labor;
Richard Stuecklen, Minister of Posts
and Telecommunications; and Hans-
Jeachim von Merkatz, Minister of
Bundesrat Affairs. The President of
the Bundestag, Eugen Gerstenmaier,
and two of the vice presidents of the
Bundestag are also former U.S.A.
leader grantees.
Other alumni, selected at random,
include high officials of Argentina,
Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bolivia,
Brazil, Ceylon, Chile, Cuba, Egypt,
Ghana, Greece, Honduras, Iceland,
India, Iran, Iraq, Htaly, Japan,
Korea, Laos, Lebanon, Libya, Ma-
laya, Morocco, New Zealand, Nor-
way, Pakistan, Peru, the Philippines,
San Marino, Thailand, Turkey, the
Union of South Africa, the United
Kingdom and Venezuela.
There a, of course, no eflurt to
sell them anything beyond instrac-
tien in the techniques which they
came to receive. Perhaps this is the
reason why su many of these leader
grantces have become friends of
America just by residing and work-
ing among us.
2 -DVSEES OP
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