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Malcolm X — Part 33

120 pages · May 10, 2026 · Document date: Feb 1, 1964 · Broad topic: General · Topic: Malcolm X · 120 pages OCR'd
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O-19 (Rev, 5-27-63) BIC, 2 ete OP ET me ee et ge ee . . a2 “SPECTATOR.A Tho nutlaol nt Malealm W Ait’ VIrrrvvusy a H&S PREDO fully as ee fought your ba all we say today is, it’s pay day.” Stee mg AVAUELLULIIE x TLY WHIT AUDIENCE listened respect- laid it on the line: “For 400 years we have Tolson Belmont Mohr Casper Callahan Conrad DeLoach Fvans Gale __ Rosen Sullivan Tavel Trotter Tele Room r “America,” he said, “Is the only country in world history in a position to bring about a bloodless revolution, but the United States is not morally equipped to do so. There Is no system more corrupt ‘than this which still colonizes and enslaves 22 million blacks while Holmes Gandy ho ” , The audience of about 500 that heard him speak in New Yo , Pai Gardens April 8 under the auspices of the Militant La Forum included a sprinkling of his own followers, interested yo Ppeople—white and black—and an older group of white radicals _ whom Malcolm’s point of view seemed sometimes alien, of troubling, for he rejects summarily thelr past and present c mitment. ’ Already persuaded of the need for full-scale registration of gro voters, this audience agreed with Malcolm that if this could accomplished, then full use of the ballot in all states would wipe what he calls “this cracker government” in which ten out of Senate committees and 12 out of 20 House committees are hea by Dixiecrat chairmen (“...and you're going to tell me the So - lost the war?’). , oe ba oa sok — ni ton te ante 1 ET Oe Tint MMataalen ene tha vanictra Arrive a2 2 tantin the nv eul SEkicOum Saw tnt regiser atic ulive a5 & tac we structure cannot allow to work, and he defined Dixie “all territory south of the Canadian border” in which the north liberal Democrat “tells us what he'll do and conspires bebind batks with the Southern Dixiecrat,” HEN BLACK AMERICANS wake up to the fact they've it all over the world telling others how to straighten out their HIS SEPARATION, Jcolm made clear, explaing his posi on school integration alio—namely, that it doesn’t exist and i practical; but that doesn‘ mean he's a segregationist, he s “It ig not the presence or absence of black children in a clasar: that determines whether a school is segregated; it is the acade diet—and that is dictated by those who control the school.” * Demlnation of the civil rights movement by whites and by « groes “begging for a place on a white stage” has dictated the a violent character of the movement, in Malcolm's opinion. He . that no intelligent white man would fight for his own freedom way he fights for black freedom. “Sure he'll sit in and be r violent and so forth, but when his own property is attacked. not nonviclent. He’s only nonviolent when he’s on your side.” z It was his indictment of white participation in the civil rig struggle, his adamant refusal to acknowledge individual contri tlon to freedom or progress anywhere and his rejection of their r ticipation in the struggle to come that disturbed his older w. radical listeners, ’ Young people, however, seemed to accept his willingness cooperate on tactics “with (ny group. white, pink, black or yelloy ceived nothing, he said, it will be the bullets instead of ballot and delay settlement of laiger questions. “They'll forget about turning the other cheek and nonviolence ‘We Shall Overcome’.” That time may be this year, he said, an | When it comes the blood will flow on both sides. : “It was stones yesterday and {t Is Molotoy cocktails today and . ft will be grenades tomorrow. Do not think I incite you. It is only - if ‘you face up to the seriousness of the situation that you may save yourselves. You are dealing today with a people that not only knows what it wants but knows what it should have. And there’s another . ‘The reverberations of a racial explosion here would be felt—and "7) supported—all over the world by the black revolution that has been taking place since 1945, the black nationalist leader belleves. According to Malcolm, the separation of blacks from the white community of America 1s a fact of life and therefore, Negro Amer- jeans should enjoy “complete control over the politics and politicians of our community” rather than leave it to the white man. , rhe black nationalist, for whom Malcolm ig perhaps the most articulate spokesman, argues from this separatist position thai he is 4 part of a world majority rather than an American minority, ‘primary goal ig human rights, not civil rights __.. \The other black nationalist arguments fall into place within this framework: The white ruling class won't permit the acquisition of human rights by black men without revolution; in such a rev- olution, black men must defend themselves if O-* 3 g 73 2S/~- A NOT YOT RECORDED 46 APR 30 1964 meee Gi Mie _generation coming up that, in addition, knows how to to get it.” Av —Tane MeMar The Washingten Pest and Times Herald The Washington Daily News The Evening Star New York Herald Tribune New York Joumal-American New York Mirror New York Daily News New York Post The New York Times The Worker The New Leader The Wall Street Journal The National Observer People’s World Federal! Baoan 0 = LJa 4
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