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John L Lewis — Part 30
Page 39
39 / 81
mo kan
w
Jone L. Lewis’ announcement
at his ng off of the caal
srike is merely another “truce” till
June 20 once more demonstrates that
this would-be fuchrer of American |
labor, who has just been fulsomely
eulogized by Hitler’s Voeleucher
Beobachter, will mop at nothing to
gain his ends, There can be no com-
promise with this war of nerves. Be-
fore June 20, if no setdlement of the
differences between coal miners and
operators has been reached, the gov-
ernment must act to prevent any fur-
ther sabotage.
From the standpoint of the coun-
try and the mine workers, Lewis’
second coal strike was disastrous. But
from ihe standpoint of Lewis him-
self, the strike brought certain com-
pensatons, Ie interfered with war
production. It allowed him to prove
his loyalty to the defeatists and to.
these Republicans who support a
negotiated peace and the appeasement
of Hoover, Taft, Vandenberg, Lan-
don, and Ham Fish. For Lewis must
be credited with putting’ over the
anion-busting Smith-Connally bill in
the House. In addition, he weakened
the fight against inflation. He seri-
ously delayed efforts to get on with
the war. His actions will result in the
deaths of more young Americans
than could be accounted for by a
wolf~pack of Nazi submarines or a
vision of Axis troops.
‘4 Lewis has indulged in a good deal
Af self-righteous posturing. He has
ed of his devotion to the rank-
John L. Lewis’ War of Nerves _
and-file miners, but his actions dur-
ing the mine “truce” belied his words.
He refused, with the eager collabo- —
ration of the mine operators, to push
for settlement of the miners’ demands
during the period of the “truce.”
Instead, he blocked negotiations,
turned his back on the War Labor
Roard’s every effort to eettle the
_ dispute equitably, while he carefully
perfected plans to violate Jabor’s no-
strike agreement once again, and by
so doing to endanger the security of
the labor movement.
His timing is worth consideration.
He ordered the second strike just as
the Smith-Connally bill reached the
House fioor, and called off the strike
mec n t
the moment phe bil wes passcu.
‘Thereby, Lewis advanced his plot
against both the CIO and AFL.
Thereby, he made his “contribution”
to the Hoover-Taft scheme to throw
the domestic economy into confusion,
from which reaction hopes to “rey,
cue” it with a negotiated peace, =
sellout to the enemy. At the ame of
Munich, Daladier played chorus to
Chamberiain. Now Lewis is Daiadier
to Hoover and his friends.
Though the House passed the leg-
islation Rep. Howard Smith has been
trying to slip through for years, it can
stil be stopped in the Senate or, if
thar fails, by mobilizing proper sup-
port behind the presidential veto.
President Roosevelt and the heads of
key government agencies have ex-
pressed opposition to this war-wreck-
ing bil.
against push prices
- to the levels of September 1942.
Mieke
It must “sho be
Lewis has been sie to ade a lange
number of coal miners only because
they have justified grievances which
be has pretended to support. Apart
from the wage question, the princi- -
pal source of these grievances is the
continued failure to keep living costs
within bounds, At the White House
meeting of Labor’s Victory Board,
“Presidents Murray and Green seressed
that the anti-inflation program was
being undermined by OPA Director
Prentiss Brown’s vacillations and by
the concerted attack of reactionaries _
in Congress, in the Republican Party,
and from insde the OPA itself. The
refusal so far to grant subsidies to
os Seno ake oT] LinaL of
Mace (posible eC JU UME Wh prices
plays into the hands of Lewis and his
masters. Lewis has made much of the
high cost of living while deliberately
spurring inflation. He has gambled on
smashing OPA, for uficon~
trolled inflation which will debauch
the economy. real weapon
Lewis is to ices back
Lewis has done his best to wreck
‘and divide. His entry into the AFL
would give him another and greater
opportunity to scuttle organized Ia-
bor. The President stressed this point
when he met the labor represente-
tives, and added his wish—which is
the wish of the win-the-war groups
everywhere—for unity between the
AFL and CIO. Lewis cannot sur-
vive such unity, or the resultant form
lation which it would impose on him.
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