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vii 7” FOREIGN AFFAIRS 00. posed to be a mortal wound to their utter undoing. Shall we hope to achieve’ for the world what the despoilers sought to do with Poland? Even though we employ oceans of ink and millions of pers we cannot destroy nationalism; our — on effort will be just as futile as was theirs. War may spread its ruin, you may “~~ wreck the fundamental law and uproot the institutions of your country — these are but the fruits of man's efforts. But a higher power has planted in the ~__ human breast devotion to country, and all permanent progress must rest upon = Rese Sree Seer With these intimations of my views, here I might stop. But the subject’) 5 assigned to me by your spokesman calls for a more specific word. “American _ Foreign Policy in a Nationalistic World” was the topic assigned to me for this .. .... -. It is a nationalistic world, intensely so. There can be no doubt about that. Everywhere the national spirit is evoked, fostered and religiously maintained. _ Whatever we may think as to some of its policies and tendencies, we must ad- «> v---»+ - mit that under its welding, cementing, driving power, different peoples have oe been lifted into a region of exertion and consecration nothing less than amazing. In countries where there was debility, incompetency, and utter demoralization among the masses, in this spirit of nationalism there is now strength and vigor and hope. Trampling under foot the false and feeble philosophy which would . disparage the healing, uplifting power of patriotism, they sacrifice, suffer and ee. endure and find their highest compensation in the increasing vigor, prestige and ©" honor of their country. These conditions and these sentiments are not likely to a change in the near future. ST a If a foreign policy should be offered to these nationalistic nations, which would not fit into, serve and augment their nationalism, it would be rejected. Such a policy was offered to Japan. It was rejected. Where would a foreign olicy based upon internationalism find reception in Europe or in the Orient? Like the dove from the Ark, there would be no place for it to light. When the Security Committee of the League several years ago sought of Great Britain her views upon the terms of the Covenant, the Committee was plainly in- formed that Great Britain would determine for herself whether there was a breach in the Covenant and would determine for herself what, if any, action she would take in regard te the breach if it occurred. That was nationalism: Who would expect Great Britain to do anything different? And who would long ae respect her if she did do anything different? The invasion of the Ruhr, Corfu, the seizure of Manchuria, these things indicate rather strongly that all schemes of international codperation must fit into national realization. Judging the future by the past, it will always be so. Europe has not changed in this respect, and I venture to say, in the interest of civilization, it is well that she has not changed. Europe, with her developing nationalism, may throw many dark shadows upon the future. But Europe, without the national spirit, would be hopeless beyond redemption. Nationalism does not necessarily of itself mean militarism or war, as shown by our own history. But whatever it means, any- thing is preferable to suffocation in the fetid atmosphere of national decay. National decay begins where nationalism ends. oo 1 am far more concerned about our domestic problems than I am about our - foreign affairs, although our foreign policy will greatly help or hinder the nation