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Charles Manson — Part 4
Page 8
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THE DRAFT
The Luck of the Draw
Michael Hurd, a 19-year-old soph-
omore at Wesleyan University in Con-
necticut, sprang to his feet and hurled
his chair through the screen of the tele-
vision set at the Beta Theta Pi frater-
nity house. His birthday—Sept. 14—had
come up No, | in the national draft lot-
tery. Harvard Senior Nat Spiller, too
nervous to watch the drawing on TV,
was playing pingpong in an attempt to
calm himself. Returning to his room
when the selection was well under way,
he looked at a list his roommates had
been keeping and slumped into a chair.
His birthday had come up fourth. Across
the country in California, Stanford Uni-
versity Sophomore Tyler Comann stared
MAULDIN--CHICAGO SUN-TIMES
“American Roulette”
at his roommate, Charles Thulin, in dis-
belief. Against all the odds, his birth-
day had come up first, Thulin’s 366th
and fast.
With variations, the drama was played
in college dormitories and homes
throughout the U.S. last week as, one
by one, members of the Selective Ser-
vice Systtm’s Youth Advisory Com-
mittee walked to the giant fishbowl and
drew out small plastic capsules con-
taining 366 dates. That drawing was fol-
lowed by a second in which the 26
letters of the alphabet were picked to de-
termine by the initial Jetter of their last
hames the order in which young men
born on the dates already drawn would
be drafted. If U.S. military manpower
needs remain unchanged, the armed
forces will have to draft about 250.000
men next year, Those whose birth dates
were among the first third drawn are vir-
tually certain to be called. Those in the
middle third have a fifty-fifty chance
of receiving induction greetings. Barring
a national emergency, those in the last
26
third are home free, though some local
draft boards warn that they cannot guar-
antee even that, so low are their man-
power pools.
Search for Alternatives. Like any
good drawing, the draft lottery was no
respecter of persons or odds. President
Nixon's son-in-law, David Eisenhower,
whose birthday came up 30th, is al-
most certain to be drafted. Harvard Se-
nior Joseph Blatt learned on the same
day that he was one of 24 members of
his class chosen for membership in the
Phi Beta Kappa honor society and tenth
in the lottery. He is almost sure to be
called, as is Seth Grossman, chairman
of the Duke University chapter of the
conservative Young Americans for Free-
dom. “I support the war,” he said, “but
I like it better on TV." His date came
up 14th.
Not all were willing to accept the
luck of the draw. While 2 few talked
of flight to Canada and some of seek-
ing exemptions on physical or psycho-
logical grounds, most searched for al-
ternatives to the draft. A few planned
to seek conscientious-objector status;
some expected to enlist in a reserve or
National Guard unit. Others, including
David Eisenhower, are considering go-
ing into teaching, which can bring a
draft deferment, to postpone their ser-
vice until the war is over. A few, whose
birthdays fall in the uncertain middle
third, are even considering playing a
numbers game with their futures. They
feel that it may be advantageous to
write their draft boards and ask to be re-
classified 1-A. If they are, and are not
called next year when there will be
more draftable young men in the pool
than in succeeding years, they will be
draft-free even after graduation.
Who's Left. At some schools, stu-
dents whose birth dates fell in the last
third to be drawn thought about drop-
ping out of schoo]. “One reason I’m at
Stanford is to keep out of the draft,”
said Thulin. “Now I can take some
time off and not worry.” Others with
high numbers looked for ways of get-
ting out of ROTC programs in which
they had originally enrolled in an at-
tempt to beat the draft.
Although most of those spared in
last week's drawing felt that the new
system was fairer than the old, many
found fault. “Its involuntary servitude,”
said Grossman. Those opposed to
war are also worried about the lot-
tery’s effect on the protest movement.
“People with high priority numbers
seem resigned to go in,” said Thulin,
“and people who are free seem self-
satisfied. Who's going to be left to criti-
cize the draft?”
One who has no plans to criticize
the draft is Harvard Junior Mitchell Ja-
cobs, whose birthday was the 362nd
drawn. He was simply grateful. “Now I
feel a lot less guilty about my going to
coHege,” he explained. “I can look at
guys my age who didn't go to college
and say that I had to go through the
same drawing that they did.”
THE ARMY
ENEVER a war ends in defeat
or a dubious stalemate, the un-
successful military leaders are apt to
grope for some kind of stab-in-the-back
explanation. The U.S. is certainly not
headed in Viet Nam for any defeat re-
motely akin to Germany’s humiliation
in World War I, which the German gen-
erals blamed on treacherous politicians
and civilian softness. Nor is Vict Nam
likely to prove quite as bitter a mil-
itary experience as the French aban-
donment of the Algerian war, in which
some French officers even threatened
to attack Paris in their rage against
De Gaulle’s pull-out orders. In fact,
the U.S. military harbors a new, scarce-
ly admitted optimism about the pres-
ent battlefield situation in Viet Nam
(see THE Nation). This, however, only
makes more galling the thought of
any outcome short of victory. General
William Westmoreland, the commander
of U.S. forces in Viet Nam during
the critical years 1964-68, seemed to re-
flect this, though in a much muted fash-
ion, when he said in congressional
testimony released last week: “If we
had continued to bomb [North Viet
Nam], the war would be over at this time
—or nearly over.”
Classic Mistake
The words were wistful and defensive,
and they raised an issue that has long
stirred controversy in the U.S.: civilian
limitations on the use of military pow-
er. Most top military officers refrain
from public alibis, criticism and rebukes.
But many privately agree with West-
moreland’s complaint, and there are
signs that a stab-in-the-back, or Ver-
sailles, complex is developing. Some of-
ficers contend that they were not per-
mitted to move quickly, massively and
without restrictions—either an hombing
targets or in hitting enemy sanctuaries
along Viet Nam’s borders——once the de-
cision was made in 1965 to commit
U.S. combat troops. This complaint is
aimed mainly at President Johnson and
Defense Secretary Robert McNamara,
who, some officers argue, wanted to
win the war “on the cheap and without
disturbing the country.”
The Pentagon was appalled that no
full mobilization of U.S. manpower was
ordered, and that their suggestions for
committing up to 750,000 troops as
soon as they could be assembled were ig-
nored, “Gradualism was the classic mis-
take of the McNamara crowd," sums
up one Pentagon officer. Says another:
“The American people won't support a
long war-——but they would have sup-
ported a short one if we had got in
and got out quickly.”
How would unleashing the Air Force
have achieved that? While there is heat-
TIME, DECEMBER 12, 1969
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