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BayOfPigsVolumeIVTheTaylorCommitteeInvestigationOfTheBayOfPigs
Page 80
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list were made as as result of pressures from the administration--
including among other deletions the planned strikes against
Castro's microwave facilities and a napalm attack on the
tank/truck park at Managua.
Another of the hard to swallow propositions advanced by
Mr. Bundy--and this was straight party line from the White
House--was his comment "I specifically endorse the comment
attributed to me lin the official record of the seventh
meeting of the CSG] that if the military had said at any
time that calling off or modifying the air strike would
cause the operation to fail--or even damage it severely--the
President would have reversed any such decision as that on
. ·64/*
Sunday."
Once again the reader is reminded of the
comments which General Cabell made to Secretary of State
Dean Rusk. during the course of the 16 April discussion on
cancellation of the D-Day strikes.
When Secretary Rusk had
the President on the other end of the telephone line, Rusk
accurately transmitted to the President Cabell's fears that
if the strike were cancelled the success of the operation
was in serious jeopardy--but to no avail.**
* McGeorge Bundy was unquestionably one the of the most loyal of the
White House staff.
Following the collapse of the invasion
at the Bay of Pigs, he offered an undated letter of resignation
to President Kennedy to be "accepted at your pleasure at
any time."
See Appendix B·for a copy.
**Perhaps Mr. Bundy did not consider General Cabell, the Deputy
Director of Central Intelligence, sufficiently "military."
General Cabell, of course, had an outstanding record as an Air Force
officer including extensive combat experience during World War II
and planning and intelligence experience,
e~en prior to becoming DDCI
in 1953.
One of the principal activities under General Cabell's
jurisdiction when he was Director of USAF intelligence was air target
analysis, and General Cabell had been closely associated with
such analysis.
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